The United States Constitution and Bill of Rights Essay

The United States Constitution and Bill of Rights Essay The United States Constitution and Bill of Rights – Essay Example The paper "The United States Constitution and Bill of Rights" is an excellent example of an essay on history. The Bill of Rights, which is made up of the first 10 amendments to the Constitution, is the cornerstone of American democracy and is the symbol of the freedom guaranteed to its citizens. James Madison created this document as part of the Constitution to ensure the basic rights of people and to protect the concepts of religious freedom, the right to bear and keep arms, right to a free press, right to trial by a jury and several other such clauses which ensure that the people are given the right to exercise their free will. These rights were specifically laid down to give the states the security against any excesses by the government and for the last 200 years, they have ensured the fundamental rights of the citizens. Manifest Destiny was the name given to Americas expansionist plans, for control of territory from the Atlantic seaboard to the Pacific Ocean as well as the propag ation of its democratic ideals and Protestant beliefs. John L. O'Sullivan, an editor of United States Magazine and Democratic Review coined the term in 1845 when he wrote that it was our manifest destiny to overspread the Continent allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions. This belief propelled the pioneers to move in all directions and pursue their economic objectives, which brought prosperity and plenty to the young nation, but it was marred by an indiscriminate killing of Native Americans amounting to genocide. The political landscape of the America of the 1800s was characterized by the struggle for freedom from the oppression of society, be they towards other men, as seen in slavery or towards women, manifested in the denial of suffrage to them. Three of the towering personalities of this period William Lloyd Garrison, Frederick Douglass, and Elizabeth Cady-Stanton, stood as vanguards of the movement to restore to men and women, the righ t to live with respect and dignity. Garrison stood for "immediate and complete emancipation of all slaves" and was a pacifist, whose effort was to achieve emancipation through temperance. Stantons main focus was on reforms but with a feminist view, where womens suffrage was given priority while Frederick Douglass, a former slave supported the abolitionists and suffragettes. All three were staunch supporters of liberty and they shared with each other the desire to change the exploitation of men and women.

ACT Practice Tests What They Can and Cant Do

ACT Practice Tests What They Can and Can't Do SAT / ACT Prep Online Guides and Tips ACT practice tests are invaluable for any level of ACT preparation, from those just beginning their study to those who have studied for months already. There are limits, however, to what ACT practice tests can do. Read on to find out what things ACT practice tests are good for and what they just can’t accomplish. feature image credit: Limited/used under CC BY 2.0/Cropped and resized from original. What ACT Practice Tests Do Well Going through ACT practice tests can help your studying in myriad ways. For one thing, taking practice ACTs orients you towards the test. If you get too caught up in doing practice problem sets, you can forget what your ultimate goal is: doing well on the ACT when you sit down and take it on test day, not just acing problems in isolation. Making it through the full test length (between three and four hours, depending on whether or not you take ACT Plus Writing) requires stamina as well as knowledge, and part of being prepared is making sure that you’re strong in both those arenas. At the very beginning of your studying, you should sit down and take a realistic ACT practice test all the way through. The realistic part is important because by taking practice tests in the morning and all at once (just like the real ACT), you’ll be able to review mistakes that wouldn’t show up if you were just doing practice sets in the afternoon or evening. Practice tests are valuable not just because of what you gain while you’re taking them, but because of what you can gain upon reflection after taking the test. After you've taken your first practice test, note what surprised you most about the experience (both in a good way and in a bad way). It could turn out that you're a lot more focused when you sit down to take the test all at once; on the other hand, you might discover that when you take the ACT at 8am, you're a lot more prone to making careless mistakes on Reading than you would be otherwise. Reviewing wrong answers, or even questions you weren't sure about but guessed correctly on, is key to improvement. Once you identify your problems, you can then come up with solutions (whether it’s making sure to sleep enough the night before the test or continuing to take more practice tests to get used to the time demands). After you've implemented those solutions, you should take a second practice test and see if the changes you've made in your studying have resulted in changes in your score. One final point is that taking practice tests close (but not too close) to the ACT helps you build up your test muscle memory. Like playing a piano concerto all the way through in advance of a concert, or playing through a full-time scrimmage before a big game, taking full-length ACT practice tests gets your mind in shape. Overall, practice tests are a critical (30%+) part of a good ACT study program. It’s imperative that you have high accuracy questions that are representative of what you'll see on test day, and there's no better source of these high-quality questions than official ACT practice tests. Read more about why high-quality materials are important in our guide to the best ACT prep websites out there. What ACT Practice Tests Don’t Do While practice tests are important for all the reasons outlined above, you can't spend 80%+ of your ACT prep time on practice tests and call it a day, because practice tests aren’t the answer to every problem and won’t cure all your issues. For example, if you're 30 hours into your studying, you shouldn't take three practice tests in a row and expect to see positive results. You'll be gaining a little bit of muscle memory, but score increases as a result of muscle memory are very low. You'd be better off investing that time shoring up your weak spots with targeted practice questions. Focused practice outside of taking full-length practice tests is important for improving specific skills, like using quadratic equations or understanding parallelisms. Doing the same type of question over and over again and drilling down on why you're making mistakes is the most effective path to improving your performance in those areas. Seeking Lavender (Provence 2012)/used under CC BY-SA 2.0/Resized from original. As you improve on the ACT overall, doing this kind of narrow practice is more efficient, because the more you study, the fewer areas and types of questions you’ll struggle with. Thus, it’s a better use of your time to focus in on your weak areas rather than taking an entire practice test and wasting time on doing questions that you already can ace. Practice tests also become useless or wasted without enough preparation before taking each one. If you take one, don’t learn any lessons (either by reflecting on wrong answers or reviewing theory and content you didn't know), and take another practice test, the second one will almost certainly be a waste of time and energy. What’s Next? Want to make sure you're mimicking the real test when you take practice tests? Learn about the eight steps to follow to get the most realistic ACT practice test experience here. Have a limited amount of time to study and want to make sure you divide it up wisely? Read our guide to using ACT practice tests over 20 hours of prep. How can you study your way to a perfect ACT score? PrepScholar co-founder and perfect scorer Allen Cheng walks you through his process in his article on how to get a perfect 36 on the ACT. Want to improve your ACT score by 4 points? Check out our best-in-class online ACT prep program. We guarantee your money back if you don't improve your ACT score by 4 points or more. Our program is entirely online, and it customizes your prep program to your strengths and weaknesses. We also have expert instructors who can grade every one of your practice ACT essays, giving feedback on how to improve your score. Check out our 5-day free trial:

Liability & Negligence Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Liability & Negligence - Case Study Example There are various reasons why the entities mentioned above can be found liable for the pilot’s accident. The manufacturer of the aircraft would have been found liable for the pilot’s accident under the strict liability act. Liability can be imposed on the manufacturer of the Cessna 337 without finding a fault such as negligence. In this case, the pilot who now becomes a claimant needs to prove that n accident occurred and that the aircrafts manufacturer was responsible. The law can impute strict liability in a situation like this, which can be considered dangerous (Edward, 2009). The manufacturer will be liable for the accident if he did not discourage the pilot against reckless behavior, which led to the accident. No matter how good the aircraft is, in a case of an accident like this, the manufacturer of the aircraft can be held liable. This is because; the pilot can accuse the manufacturer of a faulty product in case of product liability (Bernhard, 2012). The pilot however does not need to prove that the aircraft was faulty. In this case, strict liability will make the manufacturer of the Cessna 337 liable for the pilot’s accident. The manufacturer can also be liable for the pilot’s accident as a result of negligence. If the manufacturer did not provide enough warnings of the dangers of the flight, he will be held liable for the accident. The manufacturer is also liable for the pilot’s accident because he could have taken the flight for a test to ensure that it was in good condition. The pilot will be found liable for his accident due to various reasons. The main reason why he will be liable for his accident is negligence. In the presented case, the pilot has shown negligence in various issues. First, he decided to fly the aircraft when it did not have enough fuel. The pilot can also be considered to be negligent because he flew the flight when he was not comfortable with the night conditions. The pilot can also be sued for negligence because of

Leading and Managing Change Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Leading and Managing Change - Essay Example ictoria police was among the largest organizations in the state that served the public sector and had more than thirteen thousand people working for it to serve more than five million people. It operated three hundred and twenty stations while operating on an annual budget of more than a billion dollars. Dealing with family violence was one of the most difficult and challenging attributes of police work in this area and accounted for almost a third of all the police callouts (Alexander and Seddon, 2002, p. 89). The police had to take a just and artificial position when they were called to an incident and mainly put their attention towards quelling the situation through separating the couple. Attempts by the officers to do more were not successful in some cases since some of the victims withdrew their charges. Breaking these kind of fights was not considered to be a core part of police work. Although the Victoria Police had a unit that was dedicated to dealing with sexual offences as well as child abuse, family violence was dealt with as part of normal police duties and officers had varying attitudes concerning these cases. Some thought that family violence was not very serious and that the victims provoked the offenders. The situation is further complicated when the victims reside in the remote areas those from native cultures and non-English speakers experienced more hurdles (Barclay, 2007, p. 37). The police did not always develop sensitivity to circumstances a victim was in as a result of the male culture that prevailed. The manner in which the police dealt with the victims on their initial encounter greatly determined whether they would report subsequent cases and pursue charges. The new Police Commissioner, Christine Nixon made the announcement that three main areas namely burglary, auto theft and violence against women would be the areas that she will focus on (Sarre, Das and Albrecht, 2005, p. 229). The commissioner created a team that was supposed to

A Walk In The Clouds - A Wonderland Called Sentiment Essay example --

In an era when harsh actuality of everyday life propels one to the realm of insanity, to a pharmaceutically induced sleep, or to a dreadful state of existence, it is a pleasure for a fairytale world to engulf an individual. Although for only a brief time of ninety minutes, that ninety minutes is as refreshing as a relaxing soak in a warm tub of water. â€Å"A Walk in the Clouds† provides the means of escape by way of a delightful romantic fantasy. At a time when movies seem compelled to be asocial, when it is more effortless to smirk than to sigh, this film refreshingly takes us to a dream world, if only for a time.Director Alfonso Arau brings sentiment to a story set in post-World War II California. Paul Sutton (Keanu Reeves) has returned home to a wife he married only one day before shipping out. Having nothing in common, Paul sets out from San Francisco first by train then on a bus. On the train he meets Victoria Aragon (Aitana Sanchez-Gijon). After mistaking train tickets, he and she end up on the same bus. He defends her honor by kicking the rear ends of two ruffians. Moreover, in doing so, is kicked off the bus. He finds his damsel in distress, Victoria, her sitting on one of her suitcases and crying in the middle of the road. This is her home, the Napa Valley of California.The road is picturesque, a rural path with overhanging trees, and the perfect beginning for a storybook romance. She confesses to a pregnancy by her college professor and the shame she will bring upo...

Public Administration and Management Essay

Introduction Public administration in Britain takes place through a variety of state agencies with varying histories, functions, as well as patterns of political control and accountability. These comprise the civil service; a large number of local bureaucracies serving an elective system of local government; another massive organization administering the National Health Service (NHS) and, under the acronym ‘quango’, a diverse range of organizations responsible for a assortment of administrative, consultative, advisory in addition to regulatory roles. In addition there is a compound of tribunals, inquiries, an ombudsman system and the judiciary, which together dispense administrative justice. The architecture of the modern state was drawn mainly in the nineteenth century, when the rising industrial bourgeoisie required a means of supporting the emerging capitalist economy. A number of major reports and Acts of Parliament offered blueprints for a competent and meritocratic modern civil service and the system of carefully managed municipalities. Reconstruction following the Second World War added a new layer to the modern state with the making of a inclusive welfare state, including the NHS, and the nationalization of a number of chief industries in the form of public corporations. From the 1980s an additional chapter was opened, as the post-war Keynesian beliefs were challenged in the rise of neo-liberalism under the government of Margaret Thatcher. The bureaucratic terrain was re-landscaped, part of a procedure distinguished as a ‘hollowing out’ of the state (Rhodes 1994; 1997). Even though talk of reform had long featured on the political program, the public bureaucracies had established a renowned capacity to resist change. However, this time the thoughts were backed by resolute political will. A significant intellectual dynamic came from interpretation based on rational individuality under the name of public choice theory (Niskanen 1973). This was usually suspicious of public bureaucracies, which were seen as principally self serving. Much of the practical reform in structure and management was stirred by the model of the private sector, where it was reasoned that the restraint of the profit motive secured greater efficiency, effectiveness as well as economy. The oratory spoke of ‘reinventing government’ (Osborne and Gaebler 1992); though to critics it emerged as abandoning government in an anti-statist crusade. A program of privatization cut sheathe through the state industrial sector while giving rise to a new generation of regulatory agencies. Much of the civil service was recast into a compound of agencies with a greater level of autonomy from the centre, and the collection of quangos began to grow as responsibilities for a variety of functions were transferred from the realm of elected local government. Indeed, processes of market testing as well as compulsory competitive tendering saw the stipulation of certain services passing from the state altogether and into the hands of the private sector. The arrival of a Labour Government in 1997 did little to stem the tide of change. Furthermore, this new government occasioned further seismic shifts through devolution to Scotland and Wales. Great Britain includes the nations of England, Wales and Scotland, while the United Kingdom extends the embrace to Northern Ireland. These cultural forms were recognized in an outline of administrative regionalism. For long this motivated little political feeling; only in Northern Ireland were separatist tensions felt. Nonetheless, during the 1980s, nationalist movements gathered speed in both Wales and Scotland; this sequentially generated some pressure towards English regionalism. Thus the state has been forced to concern itself with issues of territorial management and make some chief allowances to diversity (Thompson, 1997). Rooted in a history dating from the take-over of Ireland by the Tudors and re-conquest first by Cromwell and later by the Protestant William of Orange, Northern Ireland dwarfs all other territorial problems of UK Government. Coming to office in the year 1997, Tony Blair’s first official journey was to Ulster and Sinn Fein was invited into new peace talks. After indirect negotiations, which included some mediation from US President Bill Clinton, an agreement was reached which included: A Northern Ireland assembly of 108 elected by PR with legislative powers under an all-party executive A North-South Ministerial Council to reflect on issues for instance cross-border co-operation The Irish Government to give up constitutional claims to Northern Ireland and Westminster to reinstate the Government of Ireland Act A Council of the Isles comprising members from the north and south of Ireland and the Scottish and Welsh assemblies There were also to be releases of prisoners in addition to a decommissioning of arms. The agreement was effectively put to referendums in Northern Ireland and the Republic in May 1998. Elections were held, but advancement began to slow down. Scotland and Wales In the UK mainland, Wales and Scotland had been governed as provinces from London, with Secretaries of State in the Cabinet and Grand Committees in Parliament. Public administration in the provinces came under Whitehall outposts, the Welsh and Scottish Offices. Nonetheless, from 1979 an extremely centralizing government heightened a mood of separatism, placing strains on the veracity of the state which were to go off in tectonic constitutional shifts in 1998. The configuration of the two new assemblies was intended to release a safety valve on the separatist pressure. On the other hand, opinion polls began to show rising support for the SNP and its objective of complete Scottish independence in the background of the EU. Comparable murmurings were heard in Wales, a country that had done very fine from its European involvement (Jones 1997). Labor’s central machine showed an enthusiastic concern to have its chosen men as the leaders of the provincial parties (and hence first ministers in the assemblies) representing a keen aspiration to keep the provinces under the Westminster wing. Nonetheless, when the elections by the additional member system (d’Hondt version) to the new assemblies were held on 6 May 1999, the Labour Party, with 28 of the 60 seats in the Welsh Senedd, and 59 of Scotland’s 129-seat assembly, failed to win unconditional majorities in either province. A future of alliance government loomed. furthermore, with 17 seats in Wales and 35 in Scotland, the nationalists were second placed in both cases, possibly presaging further separatist pressure (Drewry, & Butcher, 1991). England Devolution debate reverberated into England with requirements for regional independence. A political split was opening as from the early 1980s voting patterns gradually more revealed the Conservatives as a party of the southeast. past the ballot box an economic split yawned as huge deindustrialization and the collapse of mining confounded communities in the north. The economic forecasting organization, the Henley Centre, found per capita income in the south-east to be 20 per cent higher than in the rest of Britain (Wagstyl 1996). A European Commission report of November 1996 established that, while post-war economic revival had closed the poverty gaps between Western Europe’s states, wide dissimilarities remained between regions, the greatest being within the UK.   The British public sector, with numerous of its customs cast in the nineteenth century, has for long been criticized as managerially incompetent. The post-war era saw repeated efforts at reform all through the public sector, though few made any lasting notion before the 1980s. Ever since this time there has been something of a revolution as what was phrased a ‘new public management’ movement became a familiar international influence (Hood 1991; Lowndes 1997). It was to send shivers to the very foundations of the state, reforming structures as well as practices. The nineteenth-century reforms recognized a custom of elitist generalism and social superiority in which Oxbridge graduates schooled in the classics were to lead the upper reaches of the state bureaucracy. This was to stimulate substantial post-war debate. The onset in office of a Labour Government in 1964 pledged revolution and the 1968 Fulton Committee set up by Harold Wilson criticized the ‘cult of the amateur’. It resulted in the formation of a Civil Service Department (CSD) in Whitehall to supervise managerial reforms all through the service, and the establishment of a Civil Service College to offer continuing operating training. One proposal which failed to stimulate was that entrants should hold relevant degrees: the place of the ‘generalist’ administrator remained unassailed. In the 1990s, Richards (1996) initiated the generalists’ promotion prospects still significantly brighter than those of the specialist. In the interim, the Civil Service College had fallen well short of the determined position envisaged for it and the CSD had been ignominiously wipe out from the bureaucratic map. Not until Thatcher took the bit between her teeth did a grave breakthrough come. In her first year of office an Efficiency Unit was set up headed by Sir Derek Rayner of the retail giant Marks & Spencer. He initiated a system of ‘scrutinies’ in which competence teams studied recognized practices and suggested reforms, an initiative which achieved more than anything before (Hennessy 1990:619). Even so, the reforms did not go far enough for those of a fundamental bent. An even greater culture shock was to come when Robin Ibbs took over the Efficiency Unit and produced the 1988 report, ‘Improving Management in Government: The Next Steps’. This was the report which led to the recasting of the Civil Service as executive agencies. Despite its structural impact the intent in this initiative was essentially managerial (Elcock 1991:236-42). Once established, the new chief executives were given a free rein to introduce a wide range of management practices such as performance-related pay and short-term contracts in the quest for efficiency. A special unit was created in the Cabinet Office to maintain the reforming impetus. The government also assisted developments by abolishing the Northcote-Trevelyan model of centralized recruitment through the independent Civil Service Commission for some 95 per cent of appointments. Responsibility was to lie with the various departments and agencies themselves. A Recruitment and Assessment Service was created to offer central assistance if required although, amidst heated controversy, this itself was privatized in 1991. The result was a variety of terms and conditions of employment throughout the service. There were limits to the revolution. Government radicals had wanted the reforms to reach the senior mandarins, subjecting them to short-term contracts, market-testing and large-scale appointments from the private sector on the ‘revolving-door’ principle. For most civil servants, anticipating a life insulated from the chill winds of the market economy, much of the managerial reform process was demoralizing. While academics in the right-wing think tanks applauded the changes, many other academic critics saw in the quest for efficiency serious threats to the fundamental public service ethos (Elcock 1991:188; Chapman and O’Toole 1995). There was some feeling that the reforms reflected governmental antagonism towards civil servants as much as a quest for improved management; the term ‘deprivileging’ was sometimes heard. The Treasury and Civil Service Select Committee noted that in 1992/3,  £768 million worth of activities out of the  £1.119 billion subjected to market testing were contracted out without civil servants even being allowed to make in-house bids. The traditional management structure in local government entailed separate departments responsible for the provision of various services, each headed by a chief officer and responsible to a particular council committee. A legion of post-war critics saw this as slow, cumbersome and diffuse. A major debate in the 1960s concerned a corporate management model in which a powerful chief executive would displace the traditional town clerk to give strong leadership at the centre. Councilors, faced with a palpable loss of power, proved resistant and traditional practices persisted, although often under the camouflage of some changed nomenclature. New impetus came with the Thatcher regime and was elaborated under John Major (Kingdom 1999). Looking as always to the private sector, much was made of the concept of the ‘enabling authority’; the emphasis was not on the direct provision services but on contracting them out to the private and voluntary sectors. Such a practice was by no means new but, from the late 1980s, it became central to government policy, with compulsory competitive tendering (CCT) introduced for an ever-widening range of functions, from refuse collection to professional, legal and accounting responsibilities. A policy of care in the community, coming into force in April 1993, added impetus by requiring local authorities to make use of private and voluntary-sector residential homes for their widening community care responsibilities. In opposition Labour had poured scorn on the policy; in government it maintained the contracting out principle under the term ‘Best Value’. The managerial implications in CCT were profound. Although local responses varied with political complexion, few authorities could remain untouched by the culture shift. Even where there was no stomach for contracting out, teams of officials had to endure considerable stress in producing competitive in-house bids in order to keep their jobs. Colleagues found themselves in competitive relationships with each other, some becoming contractors and others providers (Audit Commission 1993). Moreover, the drawing up and monitoring of contracts required the skills of lawyers and accountants rather than elected councilors. Major’s Environment Secretary Michael Heseltine produced a consultation document, The Internal Management of Local Authorities, stressing that the control and co-ordination of large workforces would no longer be the central management task. The paper looked for speedy decision-making and strong leadership, advocating local cabinets, appointed council managers or, most radically, directly elected US-style mayors with high public profiles. The latter had held little appeal to Heseltine’s party but, in a February 1998 consultation paper, Modernizing Local Government: Local Democracy and Community Leadership, the new Labour Government declared itself ‘very attracted’ to the model of a strong directly elected mayor (para 5.14). The promised Greater London Authority was seen as a suitable flagship for innovation. Here the mayor, served by three or four deputies and a small bureaucracy of around 250, would set policy objectives and an annual budget (of some  £3.3 billion). The role of the councilors in the assembly would be approving rather than determining the budget. Responsibilities of the new mayor would include public transport, the fire brigade, strategic planning, trunk roads, traffic management, the ambulance service and possibly the arts. In addition, responsibility for the Metropolitan Police Force would be taken over from the Home Secretary. The potential power of the new office would be considerable, and both main parties showed alarm as the names of some of their more maverick members were canvassed. For Labour leader Tony Blair, the nightmare candidate appeared to be the left-wing Ken Livingstone, ex-leader of the old GLC and extremely popular with Londoners. The nightmare became reality in May 2000. There was an expectation that this model would be extended to other major cities. All 494 councils were asked to submit plans to central government showing how they would separate the decision-making role from that of representing constituents. Three options were offered: †¢ a leader elected by the council who would appoint a cabinet from the council A directly elected executive mayor who would appoint a cabinet from the council A directly elected mayor working with a full-time manager appointed by the council Conclusion The general election of May 1997 saw the end of an 18-year period of Conservative rule during which the administrative landscape of the state had been radically recast. Few corners of the public sector could be said to have escaped some aspect of the winds of change which included privatization, agencification, CCT, market-testing, public-private partnership ventures, the emergence by stealth of the ‘new magistracy’ and the general spread of a private-sector managerial ethos. In opposition, the Labour Party had maintained a prolonged crusade against most of the reforms, and many supporters had looked forward to the advance of the political bulldozers to level the ground. In power the party kicked off with a number of significant constitutional moves over devolution, the electoral system, the ECHR, the House of Lords, the Bank of England and the reform of local government. However, the party in power termed itself New Labour and preservation orders appeared over the recently privatized sector; indeed further privatizations were soon mooted in the cases of the Royal Mint and Air Traffic Control, and the remodeled Civil Service and NHS. In local government grant-maintained schools remained under the term ‘foundation schools’, and the replacement of CCT with ‘Best Value’ was, in the eyes of critics, little more than cosmetic (Theakston, & Fry, 1998). Moreover, there remained something very much like a capping regime over local government expenditure. In managerial terms, the three Es of effectiveness, economy and efficiency continued as the holy trinity. As the millennium closed it was safe to say that, while the British public sector would remain in the state of flux allowed by its vague and unwritten constitution, the substructure had seen some tectonic shifts from which there would be little reversal.   Reference: Audit Commission (1993) Realising the Benefits of Competition: The Client Role forContracted Services, London: HMSO. Birkinshaw, P. (1997) ‘Freedom of information’, Parliamentary Affairs, 50, 1:164-81. Chapman, R.A. and Toole, B.J. (1995) ‘The role of the civil service: a traditional view in a period of change’, Public Policy and Administration, 10, 2:3-20. Elcock, H. (1991) Change and Decay: Public Administration in the 1990s, Harlow: Longman. Hennessy, P. (1990) Whitehall, London: Fontana.   Hood, C. (1991) ‘A public management for all seasons’, Public Administration, 69, 1: 3-19. Jones, B. (1997) ‘Wales: a developing political economy’, in M. Keating and J. Loughlin (eds), The Political Economy of Regionalism, London: Frank Cass. Kingdom, J. (1999) ‘Centralisation and fragmentation: John Major and the reform of Local Government’, in P. Dorey (ed.), The Major Premiership, Basingstoke: Macmillan, pp 45-7. Klug, F., Starmer, K. and Weir, S. (1996) ‘Civil liberties and the parliamentary watchdog: the passage of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994’, Parliamentary Affairs, 49, 4:536-49.   Lowndes, V. (1997) ‘Change in public service management: new institutions and new managerial regimes’, Local Government Studies, 23, 2:42-66.   Mandelson, P. and Liddle, R. (1996) The Blair Phenomenon: Can New Labour Deliver? London: Faber.    Nicholson, E. (1996) Secret Society, London: Indigo. Osborne, D. and Gaebler, T. (1992) Reinventing Government, Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Rhodes, R.A.W. (1994) ‘The hollowing out of the state: the changing nature of the public service in Britain’, Political Quarterly, 65:138-51. Rhodes, R.A.W. (1997) Understanding Governance: Policy Networks, Governance,Reflexivity and Accountability, Buckingham: Open University Press.   Richards, D. (1996) ‘Recruitment to the highest grades in the civil service-drawing the curtains Open’, Public Administration, 74, 4:657-77. Wagstyl, S. (1996) ‘Nice work if you can get it’, The. Financial Times, 18 December, 23. Theakston, K. and Fry, G.K. (1998) ‘Britain’s administrative elite: permanent secretaries 1900-1986’, Public Administration, 67, 2:129-48.   Ã‚   Thompson, B. (1997) ‘Conclusion: judges as trouble-shooters’, Parliamentary Affairs, 50, 1:182-9.   Drewry, G. and Butcher, T. (1991) The Civil Service Today (2nd edn), Oxford: Blackwell.

Useful Japanese Adjectives

Here is the list of useful Japanese adjectives and their pronunciations. bigookiiÃ¥ ¤ §Ã£  Ã£ â€ž smallchiisaiÃ¥ ° Ã£ â€¢Ã£ â€ž longnagaié• ·Ã£ â€ž shortmijikaiçŸ ­Ã£ â€ž thick, fatfutoiÃ¥ ¤ ªÃ£ â€ž slender (person)yasetaや㠁›ã Å¸ thinusuièâ€"„㠁„ widehiroiÃ¥ ºÆ'㠁„ narrowsemaiç‹ ­Ã£ â€ž heavyomoié‡ Ã£ â€ž lightkaruiè » ½Ã£ â€ž hightakaié «ËœÃ£ â€ž lowhikuiä ½Å½Ã£ â€ž fasthayai速㠁„ slow, lateosoié â€¦Ã£ â€ž many, muchooiÃ¥ ¤Å¡Ã£ â€ž few, littlesukunaiÃ¥ °â€˜Ã£  ªÃ£ â€ž hardkatai㠁‹ã Å¸Ã£ â€ž softyawarakaiã‚„ã‚ Ã£â€šâ€°Ã£ â€¹Ã£ â€ž deepfukaiæ · ±Ã£ â€ž shallowasaiæ µâ€¦Ã£ â€ž beautifulutsukushiiç ¾Å½Ã£ â€"㠁„ uglyminikuié†Å"㠁„ prettykireina㠁 Ã£â€šÅ'㠁„㠁 ª cutekawaii㠁‹ã‚ Ã£ â€žÃ£ â€ž cleanseiketsunaæ ¸â€¦Ã¦ ½â€Ã£  ª dirtykitanaiæ ±Å¡Ã£ â€ž fasthayai速㠁„ slowosoié â€¦Ã£ â€ž strongtsuyoiÃ¥ ¼ ·Ã£ â€ž weakyowaiÃ¥ ¼ ±Ã£ â€ž calmshizukanaé â„¢Ã£ â€¹Ã£  ª brightakarui明る㠁„ darkkuraiæšâ€"㠁„ newatarashiiæâ€" °Ã£ â€"㠁„ oldfuruiÃ¥  ¤Ã£ â€ž youngwakaiè‹ ¥Ã£ â€ž hotatsui暑㠁„ coldsamuiÃ¥ ¯â€™Ã£ â€ž far, distanttooié   Ã£ â€ž nearchikaiè ¿â€˜Ã£ â€ž